Author: Obaidullah Nimruzi
The Guardian of Al-Andalus (Spain): Sultan Yusuf ibn Tashfin [MABH] (Part 15)
The Appointment of Yusuf ibn Tashfin as Governor of the Maghreb
Before delving into this important phase of the Almoravid state’s history, it is fitting to take a look at the character of Yusuf ibn Tashfin and some of his personal qualities.
He was Yusuf ibn Tashfin ibn Ibrahim ibn Turfit ibn Wartaqtin ibn Mansur ibn Masala ibn Umayyah ibn Watlami ibn Tamlit al-Himyari, belonging to the Lamtuna tribe, one of the major branches of the Sanhaja confederation. His mother was Fatimah bint Sir ibn Yahya ibn Wijaj ibn Wartaqtin, a cousin of his father. [1]
His tribe resided in the region between Wadi Noun and Cape Mogador, stretching eastward to the city of Azki. The northern parts of this land were inhabited by the Banu Wartaqtin, and it is most likely that Yusuf was born in this region.
The Lamtuna tribe enjoyed longstanding social status and leadership. After the death of Yahya ibn Ibrahim al-Jaddali, leadership of the tribe was entrusted to Yusuf’s family by order of Imam Abdullah ibn Yasin, and it remained in their hands. Hence, Yusuf grew up in an atmosphere of power and social standing. As Ashbach puts it: “He was born for leadership.” [2]
As a poet said:
“ملكٌ له شرفُ العلى من حِمْيَرٍ
وإن اتُّهموا صنهاجةٌ فهمُ هُمُ”
A king whose noble lineage traces back to Himyar; and even if Sanhaja is blamed, they are the true heirs of honor. [3]
As for his physical appearance, he was described as dark-skinned, handsome, of medium height, lean-bodied, with a soft voice, black eyes, and a long nose. His hair was thick and curly, reaching down to his earlobes, and his eyebrows were connected. [4]
He combined outer beauty with inner purity and abundant talent. Bravery, decisiveness, generosity, simplicity, and piety were among his most notable traits. His clothing was made of wool, and his food consisted of barley bread, meat, and camel’s milk. [5]
He earned his living with his own hands, possessed remarkable dignity and self-respect, and always lived with a sense of Taqwa (Piety). [6]
He was a man of serene soul, sharp perception, and profound thought. His exposure to both desert and Andalusian civilizations gave him a balanced and realistic understanding of the Islamic world. He participated in unprecedented battles and proved his worth and ingenuity. His nobility, love for jihad, and disregard for worldly pleasures won him the affection of the people and earned him increasing honor and respect. [7]
He was patient and forgiving, even of major faults—unless they involved treachery against the religion, in which case he was firm and merciless. [8]
Undoubtedly, Yusuf ibn Tashfin was deeply influenced by his teacher Abdullah ibn Yasin, taking him as a role model in knowledge, asceticism, piety, and struggle, and walking in his footsteps.
The Silence of Historical Sources Regarding a Critical Decade
It is important to note that research into this particular period of Almoravid history—especially the years 454–462 AH—requires caution and precision, because historical records regarding this period show considerable narrative gaps and contradictions.
Abu Ubaydullah al-Bakri, in his historical account, avoids mentioning any events between 451 and 460 AH. He only notes the martyrdom of Shaykh Abdullah ibn Yasin in 451 AH, after which he discusses the Shaykh’s miracles, legal rulings, and fatwas. Al-Bakri also touches upon the face coverings of the desert tribes (Murabitun), some of their customs, foods, and natural oddities, but all his comments on this period are summed up in this single statement: “و أمير المرابطين إلى اليوم و ذلك سنة ستين و أربعمائة أبو بكر بن عمر و أمرهم منتشر و مقامهم بالصحراء.” Translation: “The commander of the Almoravids to this day—i.e., the year 460 AH—is Abu Bakr ibn ‘Umar, their power has spread, and their residence is in the desert.”
This phrase clearly reflects the absence of a full and realistic picture of this dynamic and formative period of the Almoravid movement—a time during which the intellectual, political, and military foundations of the state were laid.
In the same vein, the author of Al-Ḥulal al-Muwashsha also bypasses this period. He mentions Abdullah ibn Yasin’s martyrdom during jihad against the Barghawata, then says: “و لما كان في سنة ستين و أربعمائة استقامت الإمارة للأمیر أبی بكر بن عمر” Translation: “When the year 460 AH arrived, the emirate became firmly established for Amir Abu Bakr ibn Umar.” [Al-Ḥulal al-Muwashsha: 23]
Thus, it becomes clear that no mention is made of events between 451 and 460 AH in this work either.
Ibn ‘Idhari likewise remains silent and aligns with the above two authors. However, he does offer a justification for this omission when he writes: “و في ابتداء هذه الدولة اللمتونية اختلاف اختصرنا منه ما وقع الاتفاق علیه” Translation: “At the beginning of this Lamtuna state, there were disputes, of which we only summarized the points of agreement.” [Ibn ‘Idhari, Al-Bayan al-Mughrib, 4/17]
Despite this shared silence, there are other sources that do provide detailed accounts of this period. Still, researchers are faced with the challenge of conflicting timelines, especially concerning Abu Bakr ibn ‘Umar’s return to the desert, the founding of Marrakesh, and the rise of Yusuf ibn Tashfin.
Now that many accounts suggest that the return of Abu Bakr, the founding of Marrakesh, and the transfer of authority to Yusuf happened after 460 AH, it is worth examining other sources that date these events earlier, to gain a clearer picture.
Some sources place Abu Bakr ibn ‘Umar’s return to the desert in 453 AH. Ibn Abi Zar narrates: “فلما أراد السفر دعا ابن عمه یوسف بن تاشفین، فعقد له على المغرب، و فوض إلیه أمره، و أمره بالرجوع إلى قتال من به من مغراوة و بنی یفرن و قبائل البربر و زناتة، و اتفق على تقدیمه أشیاخ المرابطین لما یعلمون من دینه و فضله و شجاعته و حزمه و نجدته و عدله و ورعه و سداد رأیه و یُمن نقیبته، فرجع یوسف بن تاشفین إلى المغرب بنصف جیش المرابطین، و ارتحل الأمیر أبو بکر بن عمر بالنصف الثانی إلى الصحراء، و ذٰلك فی شهر ذی القعدة سنة ثلاث و خمسین و أربعمائة” [ابن ابی زرع، روض القرطاس، ص ۸۶]. Translation: “When he intended to travel, he summoned his cousin Yusuf ibn Tashfin, granted him authority over the Maghreb, entrusted him with all affairs, and ordered him to return and fight against the Maghrawa, Banu Yafran, Berber tribes, and Zanata. The elders of the Almoravids agreed to his leadership due to his religion, virtue, bravery, firmness, initiative, justice, piety, insight, and blessed fortune. So, Yusuf returned to the Maghreb with half of the army, while Amir Abu Bakr went to the desert with the other half. This was in Dhu al-Qa‘dah 453 AH.” [Ibn Abi Zar‘, Rawd al-Qirtas, p. 86]
Ibn al-Khatib also affirms that in 452 AH, Abu Bakr received news of unrest in the desert and decided to return: “و إلى هذا العهد و هو سنة ۴۵۲هـ بلغه اختلال أحوال الصحراء و وقوع الفتن بین قومه، فأشفق من ذٰلك و عزم على القفول إلى الصحراء، فارتحل إلى سجلماسة، و أقام بها أیاماً… ثم دعا یوسف بن تاشفین” Translation: “In that very year—452 AH—he received news of the disturbances in the desert and the occurrence of fitnah (Seduction) among his people. He became concerned and resolved to return to the desert. He traveled to Sijilmasa and stayed there for a few days… then he summoned Yusuf ibn Tashfin.” [9]
Thus, Abu Bakr first went to Sijilmasa, and after a short stay, returned to the desert in 453 AH. Al-Nasiri supports this view in Al-Istiqsa: “Abu Bakr ibn ‘Umar’s journey to the desert took place in Dhu al-Qa‘dah, 453 AH.” [10]
Ibn Khaldun also follows this narrative. Accordingly, Yusuf’s rule over the Maghreb began in 453 AH, following direct delegation from Abu Bakr and the approval of the Almoravid elders. However, Ibn ‘Idhari claims that two-thirds of the army accompanied Abu Bakr, while Ibn Abi Zar says it was half the army. [11]
The primary reason for Abu Bakr’s return was the arrival of a messenger from the desert, reporting a crisis and requesting his help: “أيّد الله الأمير، إن جدالة أغارت على إخوانك، فقتلوا الرجال و سلبوا الأموال و هزموهم.” Translation: “May Allah support the Emir! The Jadalah tribe has raided your brothers, killed their men, looted their wealth, and defeated them.”
On hearing this, Abu Bakr, grieved, recited: (إِنَّا لِلَّهِ وَإِنَّا إِلَيْهِ رَاجِعُونَ) Translation: “Indeed, we belong to Allah, and indeed to Him we shall return.” [Surah al-Baqarah, 2:156]
Abu Bakr was a pious and devout man, and warfare among Muslims deeply saddened him. He thus decided to return to the desert to resolve the crisis and later remain there to prepare for jihad against the disbelievers in the Sudan region. With a forward-looking vision, he aimed to create a comprehensive and wise plan for all of his endeavors—whether administrative, military, or social. [Ibn Abi Zar‘, Rawd al-Qirtas, p. 86]
Continues…
Previous Part
References:
[1] Ibn Abi Zar‘, Rawd al-Qirtas, p. 87.
[2] Al-Andalus in the Era of the Almoravids and Almohads, vol. 2, p. 65.
[3] Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A‘yan, entry no. 1307; Nukhbah Tarikhiyyah, p. 31; Ibn Hamid, Jadhwat al-Iqtibas, vol. 2, p. 545.
[4] Ibn Abi Zar‘, Rawd al-Qirtas, p. 87; Ibn Hamid, Jadhwat al-Iqtibas, vol. 2, p. 545; Ibn ‘Imad, Shadharat al-Dhahab, p. 412.
[5] Ibn Abi Zar‘, Rawd al-Qirtas, p. 87; Ibn Zarkali, Al-Hulal al-Sundusiyyah, p. 59; Ashbach, Al-Andalus in the Era of the Almoravids and Almohads, p. 66; Ibn Hamid, Jadhwat al-Iqtibas, vol. 2, p. 545.
[6] Al-Hulal al-Sundusiyyah, p. 59; al-Nasiri, Al-Istiqsa, vol. 1, p. 121.
[7] Al-Andalus in the Era of the Almoravids and Almohads, p. 66.
[8] Rawd al-Qirtas, p. 87.
[9] Ibn al-Khatib, A‘mal al-A‘lam, vol. 3, p. 232.
[10] al-Salawi, Al-Istiqsa, vol. 2, p. 21.
[11] Ibn ‘Idhari, Al-Bayan al-Maghrib, vol. 4, p. 21.
